William C. Sullivan certainly did not choose his career path as a young man dreaming of the day his talents would be exploited to serve a subversive white collar criminal network concealed within America’s national security apparatus. After a decade of having done so for the perceived “greater good” in a war against Communism, it was 1970 that the inwardly marred COINTELPRO chief found himself at something of a crossroads. The final stretch of years just ahead of him at the FBI represented a shrinking window of opportunity to undo some of the damage done to his conscious. “Once you let a decent thought in,” as he explained it to Gary at the pub, “it pervades your thinking like a crack in a piece of glass that grows and grows, then shatters.”
That breaking point came for Sullivan in 1971 when he returned to his office one afternoon only to find that his door had been locked and name slate removed. Earlier that day he had a heated disagreement with Hoover over Sullivan’s insistence that the FBI begin reforming its essentially lawless culture, and Hoover saw this conflict ending in no other way but Sullivan’s forced retirement. But in fact Sullivan far from retired. It was that day he locked into his determination to bring down the Hoover FBI—an organizational culture which continued to exist well past the death of its architect in 1972. And in addition to aiding Gary’s investigation from the shadows, Sullivan’s plan to make amends had an endgame. It was scheduled in fact for that next month, November of 1977, at the HSCA, where the former COINTELPRO chief planned to tell them “everything” he had on the Kennedy and King assassinations.
The redemptive turn of events this implied for Gary’s own journey was just a fraction of all that would sink in for him on the drive back home. Sullivan was one of less than a handful of people on Earth whose position bridging the involved agencies gave him the aerial view into all three assassinations. His testimony and proof to the HSCA was quite likely going to be a game-changer impacting history in more than just its written form. But of course, this day of Sullivan’s scheduled testimony before the HSCA never did materialize.
Only days beforehand on November 9, 1977, his bloody and lifeless body was found in a wooded area near his Sugar Hill, New Hampshire home. Since he had been taking his golden retriever for a walk while wearing a beige colored overcoat, the incident was rather believably ruled a deer hunting accident. More likely, however, it was the fulfillment of a prediction Sullivan had once made in the early 1970s to journalist Robert Novak, that ”some day you will read that I have been killed in an accident, but don’t believe it, I’ve been murdered.” Sullivan was one of six senior FBI officials to die within a six month period.
As for Gary’s investigation, this was the writing on the wall. Soon after bringing it to a formal conclusion, he relocated his wife and children to a safer lifestyle across the country, spending the next 20 years in California with a concealed pistol strapped to his side. Fortunately he never had to reach for it (to the author’s knowledge), but in 1998, another chapter of his story would be opened as the King family took steps toward helping Ray get the trial he never had. Along with his friend Bill Sachs, a producer and screenplay writer, Gary relived his 1977 investigation with a road trip through its original sites spanning Tennessee, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Their tour kicked off at Memphis International Airport where no sooner had they disembarked at the gate when it became apparent someone had been expecting their arrival. A pair of dark-suited agents, looking every bit the menacing “men in black” part, were spotted standing at a pay phone along the corridor toward baggage claim.
One of them was on the phone until being tapped on the shoulder by his partner whose eyes had been fixed on their incoming subjects with a penetrating stare, obviously meant to create an uncomfortable situation for Gary and Bill. Both agents maintained their fixed gaze on them for the awful 30 seconds or so that it took to pass by them. No further confrontation verbally or otherwise took place with any agents beyond that point during the trip. Yet that encounter at the airport, being as bizarre and awkward as it sounds, was obviously meant to convey a message that the screenplay on Gary’s 1977 investigation which would result from this trip wasn’t ready for public consumption. The cover up on King’s assassination—at least with concern to CIA involvement, it seemed—was still going strong.
It was just in 2018 that Gary felt it was time to share his story with the world, starting a conversation with the author who then began his own research corroborating Gary’s story. Likewise, there are plans in motion for the story’s film adaption. In this sense Gary’s story remains far from over. During these silent years, however, he had made acquaintances and friends having similar backgrounds and experiences which supplemented his findings, including an unnamed special forces whistleblower at Fort Bragg who had been part of or witness to the CIA-Mafia’s heroin trafficking out of Southeast Asia during the war. He claimed the operation made roughly 30 billion dollars a year and that the CIA used its share to in turn fund other black ops.
Another friend made during this time was Jack McNeil, one of the Memphis lawyers who represented both Ray and the King family in their efforts to get him an official trial (not to be confused with the Assassination Conspiracy Trial). Shortly into McNeil’s work he experienced similar encounters with “men in black,” which he believes to be psychological operatives of some kind who specialize in fear tactics to silence, weaken or in some way debilitate their targets. The fact that such agents have been highly fictionalized only adds to a person’s reticence to open up about these encounters as McNeil graciously did by interview with the author.
Speaking of silence, McNeil also noted that at some of his legal proceedings for Ray there would be reporters from brand-name news present in comparatively high numbers to what little if any publishing that would result. He believed certain of them were likely present on an intel-gathering assignment for interested agencies rather than for journalism. Of course, anyone wishing to debunk McNeil’s insinuation might be quick to add that Mockingbird as a program was officially terminated in the late 70s by then CIA director George H.W. Bush. But did Bush really terminate Mockingbird?
According to the news story which got widely published at the time, Bush was brought in as an “outsider” to the scandal-stricken CIA to clean house and restore its public image after exposure for corruption and media-control by the Church Committee. In line with his consent to dismantle Mockingbird, Bush ordered the withdrawal of the 400 plus journalist-operatives who were on CIA payroll throughout the 25 mainstream news agencies. But then, according to a revelation made by one of the committee members to a present New York Times reporter, there is the critical part of this story which did not get widely reported: That of the 400 plus mockingbirds supposedly withdrawn, 25 of them were allowed to remain in their long-held positions at Bush’s directive, and these positions happened to be executive in nature.
In other words, while Bush cut the branches to Mockingbird, he quietly kept its root system and stump intact, allowing for a restructuring of the program through informal means. Which raises some interesting questions. Just who was George H.W. Bush? Could it be that the new Director of Central Intelligence was not truly a CIA outsider? What of claims that Bush’s oil drilling company, Zapata Offshore (1954-1964), was a CIA business front entangled with the Bay of Pigs?
While the content ahead is not much concerned with George Bush himself, these questions are being raised nonetheless as a sample of numerous 20th century puzzles that can be coherently brought together into a single mosaic as some of the surrounding layers to America’s buried history get unlocked. On levels that will become increasingly apparent, the Gary Revel findings on the 1960s assassinations have fashioned for us a finely grooved key to unlock this suppressed meta-picture with relative ease and clarity.
The general understanding has long been well-published and circulated that the Kennedy and King assassinations, far from being isolated crimes, were subplots of the one conspiracy: to keep in power a shadow oligarchy associated with the military industrial complex that had the Vietnam War as its lifeblood. But Revel’s interlinking details such as the core involvement by E.Howard Hunt and Bill Sullivan in Operation Zorro, being figureheads as they were of abused psychological warfare programs, pulls together a much larger picture to America’s buried history that far exceeds the assassinations. So far in this book only the skeletal outlines of this meta-picture have become visible along with its motif of the secret science of narrative control. In its fleshed-out form this meta-picture will be referred to occasionally as the 2020 Overview.
Riches of a Buried History
To lay the foundation for this overview, imagine for the sake of discussion that Bill Sullivan had not been killed and was given his day before the HSCA to expose “everything” that he knew about the assassinations. Imagine also that the committee members—diligent in their representation of the people’s interest and fueled by the outrage of these disclosures—left no stone unturned in their follow up with logical questions. What kind of predicament would such a discussion create for the committee in terms of how much information ought to be made public versus kept buried?
Certainly, the fact that a fraudulent war was being sustained as part of a CIA-sponsored drug-running empire would be no small incentive for mobs possessed by outrage to burn down the Capitol Building over night. One begins to see how well-meaning people in the 1970s would consider the benefit of keeping this history indefinitely buried for the sake of “national security.” Conversely, though, the committee members would have to consider that by keeping these difficult truths buried they would also deprive the public of a trove of crucial history lessons for authenticating democracy.
Among such lessons, the truth of JFK’s assassination would reveal the event for what it was—a coup d’ etat, in which the conspirators highjacked the people’s power by swapping their elected leader with a puppet compliant to a shadow oligarchy’s interests. Likewise, the truth of RFK’s assassination would expose the conspirators’ determination to maintain control of the White House, along with the tool belt of assassination techniques for shaping the “lone nut” narrative and news story at large. This means the conspirators succeeded at all this under America’s nose because they had first of all subverted the democratic process where it matters the most: the realm of collective opinion.
That the term “conspiracy theory” continues to be a debunking tool by brand name news—almost always, it seems, in that typically derisive tone, and never with sincere consideration to a real possibility—warrants concern. For in addition to “what” a generation was led to believe about Kennedy’s assassination, the repeated use of the term in this rather dogmatic way has subliminally reinforced the parameters for “how” current events must be interpreted: as if the tendency for humans to conspire is an intrinsically bizarre and foolish premise. “Nothing to see there.”
Whether this reflects the continued existence of a shadow oligarchy or systems of narrative control which benefit from a dumbed-down public is a tempting conversation to have, but, perhaps at this stage, premature. For now, it comes as a weighty enough consideration that a modern democracy may only be as authentic to its potential “for the people and by the people” as its citizens are equipped in sufficient numbers with servant leaders of Martin Luther King’s substance—willing, as necessary, to question a popularly accepted narrative with principled intellectual freedom which is embraced as a responsibility for the sake of the oppressed and voiceless no less than it is lauded as a “right” or trendy concept.
This assumes of course that there are teachable or transferable attributes of King’s unique intellectual layering that enabled him to discern past culturally conditioned mindsets and past the channels of public information which conditioned these mindsets and then played on them without having the common people’s interest at heart. And in this regard, the lessons of our buried history—unearthed in recent times and now being pieced together—are far from exhausted.
At the very start of this book, the question was hypothetically posited whether there is divine significance to the fact of MLK Day falling this year on January 20, 2020, and if so, perhaps its meaning has begun to enunciate itself: that any clear vision for a better tomorrow will depend on pursuing clarity of our past. It is common to human experience that before an individual reaches a point of personal breakthrough, transforming their careers or overall ability to prosper in life, he or she first must first come to healing terms with events or traumas from their past which had gotten so deeply buried in the subconscious that their crippling effect on everyday life went long undetected. If this is true for individuals, can it not also be for our nation’s collective soul?
Considering the extent the Dulles-era CIA went to control news media—not to mention the reach of their tentacles into the literary arts through James Angleton’s so-called Congress for Cultural Freedom—we owe ourselves the fullest picture possible on this 20th century subversion of the American mind. Just how far, wide, and deep did it go, and at the hands of whom besides the named culprits?
Although the repentant COINTELPRO propagandist never had his chance to take our nation by the hand through a series of difficult truths on this subject, the 2020 Overview may yet restore these lost lessons for such a time as this. For unless we, the world’s common people, are equipped with such insights, how can one be sure a history of fraudulent war and other atrocities at our expense won’t be endlessly propagated?
As a starting point, we have only to scrutinize the social circles of power where the secrecy and means to control public information through wealth were most heavily concentrated. Along with John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles, this now brings us to their life-long banking cohorts David Rockefeller, Nelson Rockefeller, Averell Harriman, and Prescott Bush, the father and grandfather of two future United States presidents. These six guys were the wall street elites who secretly funded the covert and psychological warfare programs where the umbrella of ingredients for narrative control got refined and systemized to begin with. As we will learn more about, they did this with help from the Nazi war criminals they had helped to escape for recruitment into these programs financed by a slush fund, thus dodging accountability from congressional oversight.
As it turns out, however, the establishment of these shadowy programs was only the coronating touch to their criminal infrastructure which gradually rendered our democracy artificial. They had been making steps in stride together to expand this infrastructure since earlier that century. In thumbnail preview of this, we can picture this clique of men as the innermost circle to a vast spider web of interlocking power circles, including but not limited to: the Federal Reserve banking system, its Wall Street network, Big Oil, the arms industry, Council of Foreign Relations, State Department, the creation of the CIA, its covert programs and resulting “CIA within the CIA.” The Spider at center of this being Rockefeller-Warburg wealth, but for simplicity we will refer to these six guys collectively as the Rockefeller Reich, or RR.
The German word “reich” can refer to a wealth-based empire, but the term is more appropriate still for reasons that will grow apparent. The RR essentially were their generation’s pioneers of the financial, industrial, and foreign policy cartel that was the military industrial complex. Since early that century their tight network included Remington arms—the very brand of rifle that would be used to assassinate King and frame Ray as the lone gunman. The fact that a gun became necessary to silence King only grows in thought-provoking value as we learn about the full extent these oligarchs aimed to subvert America’s psyche—and the extent, therefore, to which King was individually victorious in overcoming their stronghold over American thought.
Furthermore, it bears reminding that King’s decisive moment to break silence on his convictions about a fraudulent war in early 1967 came with his thinking about Hitler’s “popular” rise, and of how the German people should have heeded their intuition and courage enough to break silence in time to prevent his propagated rise. In King’s mind, this comparison of the military industrial complex to Nazism may have simply been a fitting analogy, but as it turns out, his intuition to associate the two was more on-target than he could have humanly known at the time.
The Rockefeller Reich and Nazism
“A clique of industrialists,” announced U.S Ambassador William E. Dodd in 1937, “is hell-bent to bring a fascist state to supplant our democratic government and is working closely with the fascist regime in Germany and Italy. I have had plenty of opportunity in my post in Berlin to witness how close some of our American ruling families are to the Nazi regime. … Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with bringing fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy. They extended aid to help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and they are helping to keep it there.”
Amazingly, when Dodd made this “whistle-blowing” statement to reporters he had just returned home to the United States from his ambassadorship to Germany, and the question of which “American ruling families” he had in mind was never a point of debate or conspiratorial speculation. Only several years earlier, the embassy had discovered and reported to the U.S. government that a shipping company in Germany, the Hamburg-Amerika Line —owned by Averell Harriman and managed by Prescott Bush—had provided major funding to Adolph Hitler’s 1932 campaign for chancellor. Yet still, Dodd’s whistleblowing act somehow failed to gain traction with authorities. Harriman and Bush’s bankrolling of Hitler would continue unhindered until a whole ten months after the United States entered the war against Nazi Germany.
It was October of 1942 that the U.S. Government finally took limited action, seizing Harriman and Bush’s UBC (Union Banking Corporation) under the Trading with the Enemy Act. The UBC’s shareholders included three Nazi executives, one being an emissary to Fritz Thyssen of I.G. Farben—the industrial powerhouse which built up the Nazi war machine including its production of the Zychlon B gas used in concentration camps. Fritz Thyssen is universally known by historians as Hitler’s chief “money man” and wartime industrialist.
Throughout these pre-war years of the 1930s Harriman and Bush had as their lawyers John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles, then employed by the elite international law firm Sullivan and Cromwell. It had been a major force in seeing Germany rebuilt after the first world war. John Foster and Allen were likewise deeply invested in the financing and build-up of Nazi Germany in various long-term capacities. John Foster sat on the board of I.G Farben’s subsidiary companies while Allen sat on the board of Baron Von Schroeder’s bank—another major source of funding for the Nazis having interlock with Harriman-Bush enterprises. In 1936 the Dulles brothers became lawyers for what became the joint Schroeder, Rockefeller, and Company Investment Bankers.
In George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography, authors Webster G. Tarplay and Anton Chaitkin provide details on Germany’s Shroeder banking family being “a linchpin for the Nazi activities of Harriman and Prescott Bush, closely tied to their lawyers Allen and John Foster Dulles.” Likewise, the Dulles brothers were the star lawyers for several Rockefeller-owned companies not least of all Standard Oil, the centerpiece to their wartime industrial network. In 1933 John D. Rockefeller Jr. had made William S. Farish the chairman of Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, promoting him president and chief executive in 1937—the same year Ambassador Dodd tried blowing the whistle on them. Farish had his office in Rockefeller Center, New York, where he worked often with I.G. Farben’s CEO, Herman Schmitz, who hired Ivy Lee as a publicity man to infuse the U. S. Press with material propagating I.G Farben and Nazism. According to Tartly and Chaikin, “this interlock between their Nazi German operations put Farish together with Prescott Bush in a small select group of men [the RR] abroad operating through Hitler’s revolution, and calculating that they would never be punished.”
To be sure, there came a point the U.S. government considered prosecuting these men with the most severe charges of treason, but when Standard Oil got wind of these considerations they threatened to cut off oil from the U.S. military which desperately needed it by that point to fight the Nazis. Meanwhile, Standard Oil continued to favor the Nazis with the best of its industrial wartime patents through I.G Farben and took calculating measures to keep them supplied with oil. Declassified military documents report Standard Oil tankers being manned by uniformed Nazi captains. Nelson Rockefeller was later discovered to have set up shell companies throughout Latin America as Nazi refueling bases. Indeed, multiple books have been written detailing how the Rockefeller Reich gave birth to and nurtured what has since become universally recognized as history’s most despised example of fascism in the Nazi regime. The question is, what motivated such treason?
Was it just the ruthless greed of unprincipled monopoly capitalism?
Depending on worldview, that would be a tempting place to hang up the conversation in satisfaction of an answer that’s easy to swallow. Except, each of these men whom we have collectively included in the Rockefeller Reich—Averell Harriman, Prescott Bush, John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles—shared another common passion other than their love for unbridled power. Each was deeply invested in eugenics and what they considered the science of “racial hygiene.”
In 1910 Harriman’s mother had funded a race-science movement within America by building the Eugenics Record Office as a branch of London’s Galton National Laboratory. She would often attend race horses with Prescott Bush’s father in law, George Herbert Walker (after whom two future presidents were named) and Standard Oil’s future chief, William Farish. In their youth Harriman and Bush came along for these races. Their fascination with the science of horse breeding would one day be imposed on humanity through an idea once summarized by John Foster Dulles that “it is only by eliminating the lower members [of the human race] that a higher average is maintained.”
Keep in mind, these are not your stereotypical redneck white supremacists. They represented Eastern establishment families who would later grace the civil rights movement with foundation grants and programs that went well beyond lip service, even as their racist plots continued behind the scenes. In the early 1950s John Foster Dulles as chairman of the Rockefeller Foundation led programs which aimed to stop the population growth among non-white populations. Among them was the 1952 Population Council funded with tens of millions of Rockefeller dollars. So how can such duplicity be reconciled?
What factors shaped their racist worldview to begin with?
Obviously, it didn’t come from Nazi influence because their exploits in “racial hygiene” pre-dated Nazism. In fact, the RR’s pursuits in this regard only bolstered Hitler’s hopes to re-engineer a super race of god-like Aryans purported to have existed in ancient times by Thule Society doctrine. According to Tarply and Chaitkin, one of the most pivotal American political events that contributed to Hitler’s rise was the “Third International Congress for Eugenics” held at New York’s Museum of Natural History. Averell Harriman “personally arranged with the Walker/Bush Hamburg-Amerika Line to transport idealogues from Germany to New York for this meeting. The most famous among those transported was Dr. Ernst Rudin, psychiatrist at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Genealogy and Demography in Berlin, where the Rockefeller family paid for Rudin to occupy an entire floor with his ‘eugenics’ research.”
At the 1932 conference, Rudin and his team of like-minded speakers who condemned racial mixing advocated the sterilization of the unfit. Then, when Hitler became chancellor in 1933, Rudin was made head of the psychiatric institutes incorporated into Nazism. Under a task force chaired by the chief of the SS, Heinrich Himmler—also Hitler’s leading occultists—Rudin headed the Racial Hygiene Society, instituting the German Sterilization Law. It was based on existing laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia. Thus, in seeking to understand the RR’s white supremacism, Himmler makes for a starting point as a person of interest.
Intrigued with his ancestral Germanic heritage from childhood, Himmler had always believed he had royal blood which predestined him for rulership. In 1942 he secretly conspired to seek a deal with the United States that would entail his betraying Hitler. His American counterpart in this was Allen Dulles, who by then was an OSS spy stationed in Bern, Switzerland, acting in fact as a double agent. This attempted plan came to nothing when a team of British troops happened to find and arrest Himmler who then killed himself with biting into cyanide. Yet the fact of Dulles conspiring with Himmler over Hitler coheres with other aspects of the RR’s collusion with Nazism. Not only did Himmler’s SS receive special Rockefeller funding through an exclusive Standard Oil account, their squadron insignia was a skull and crossbones—like that of the Yale secret fraternity, Skull and Bones. This hardly passes as coincidence in that the Rockefeller-Harriman-Bush families were most prominent in the Yale order, officially named The Order of the Brotherhood of Death.
It is believed that in 1920 when Harriman had first met Fritz Thyssen in Germany, seeding what would become a fruitful relationship with Nazism, Harriman had gone there to the “motherland” of the Order’s birth as a pilgrimage traditionally made by dedicated Bonesmen. Much later in life, as Harriman occupied curious diplomatic positions between the U.S., Europe, and Moscow, he kept as the combination to his briefcase the Order’s mysterious number 322—an apt symbol, no doubt, for the life-long secrets carried therein. Enough of those secrets, as we shall see, have been leaking to the surface of public light in recent years.
Historians have named Harriman “the godfather of Skull and Bones” and as central to America’s ruling class. The prominence of the Bush name owes itself largely to Harriman, who not only established Prescott Bush by making him a banking manager, but by having tapped him for initiation into the Yale fraternity during their college years of 1917-1918. In becoming banking partners afterward, and later with the Nazis, they handpicked their American associates per membership to the Order and/or dedication to its concealed agenda. Of their Union Banking Corporation, six of its eight directors were either Nazis or Bonesmen.
Nelson Rockefeller, who as mentioned played an important role in sustaining the Nazi war machine, was also a proud Bonesman. After the second world war he would help the Dulles brothers with the escape of over 1,600 Nazis for recruitment into the CIA or NASA. The same was true of Bonesman James Angleton, whose mystique as the “Gray Ghost” aptly characterizes the recurring overlap one finds between the Order, Nazism, and the CIA’s innermost compartments. But having a framework to understand the nature of this overlap will come best by first exploring what correlated the Rockefeller worldview to Nazi race mysticism at a root level.
The MetaDream Journal 