Chapter 8: Dumb and Divided

“We must win the common people in every corner. This will be obtained chiefly by means of the schools, and by open, hearty behavior, show, condescension, popularity and toleration of their prejudices which we shall at leisure root out and dispel.” – Adam Weishaupt, Founder of the Bavarian Illuminati

Perhaps it comes as self-evident that in order for the conductors of the Hegelian Dialectic to engineer conflict and division in society, “herding” the masses like sheep in this way toward short and long term goals, they must have a stronghold on public information and popular opinion at multiple levels. Beyond what the populace accepts as true, this relies more profoundly on the ability to shape how a culture thinks. And toward this end precisely, Yale’s first generation of Bonesmen entrenched their roots within America’s power centers of education most fundamentally through members Daniel Gilman, Timothy Dwight, and Andrew White. Prior to their rise as presidents of such institutions as Yale, John Hopkins, Cornell, University of California, the Carnegie Institution, and the American Historical Association—where these three Bonesmen worked as a troika for the span of their careers— they had studied under Hegelian professors in Berlin whose philosophies of psychology and education were fundamentally shaped by Wilhelm Wundt, a professor of psychology at the University of Heidelberg

Wundt’s grandfather was listed in the September 1782 Illuminati Provincial Report from Utica (Heidelberg) with his alias “Raphael.” Of greater relevance, Wundt himself was the dedicated apprentice of Johann Herbert, who was discipled by professors Herder, Goethe, and Pestallozi—those professors mentioned in the last chapter as members of the original Bavarian Illuminati. Quite obviously, their illuminist ethos of undermining the common person’s sense of connection to the divine framed the whole of Wundt’s educational philosophy.

Before Wundt, psychology was the study of the “soul” with its presumed spiritual dimension of humans bearing the divine image in their trinitarian likeness of spirit, soul, and body. Wundt essentially reduced psychology to the brain and nervous system, popularizing the social theory that common people, being no different than an animal in need of training, were so lacking in self-determination that their worth to society should not be intrinsically assumed.  Self-worth could only become material reality according to one’s preconditioning as a “cog in the wheel” of the State. And the State for Wundt boiled down to a hierarchical structure which frames its professions according to rigidly systemized categories of profession of a cookie cutter fashion (conformist farmers, plumbers, doctors, lawyers, etc). Therefore, the purpose of education for Wundt was not to draw out an individual’s innate skills or talents, and innovation or creativity were by implication reserved for an elite, exclusive few. 

This dumbing down of the individual was plainly reflected in John D. Rockefeller’s General Education Board policy statement: “In our dreams, we have limitless resources and the people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands. The present educational conventions fade from our minds…and, unhampered by tradition, we work our own good will upon a grateful and responsive rural folk” (Occasional Letter No. 1, General Education Board, 1904). One of America’s chief social engineers in this way was the Rockefeller-funded “father of progressive education,” John Dewey. The “Look-Say” method of literacy—originally invented as an effective way to help deaf-mute children learn to read—forced its way into the mainstream classroom at Dewey’s pushing, leaving a generation of students not only illiterate, but stunted in their abstract thinking and communication skills.  A community of enraged teachers and parents who saw this coming were ultimately out-voiced by Rockefeller’s power over the national education system.

John Dewey, in fact, is a prime example of someone who, although not belonging to a known secret society or elite bloodline, gets pushed up the professional ladder by sheer alignment with their agenda. Dewey received his doctorate at John Hopkins under an advisor who studied in Berlin under the same Hegelian professors as Daniel Gilman. Dewey’s psychological theory of education came from Stanley Hall, the first American to receive his doctorate under Wilhelm Wundt. Hall’s education was financed on loan from the Skull and Bones offshoot, Order of Scroll and Key.

Dewey became director of the University of Chicago’s School of Education, which, along with the University itself andColumbia Teachers College were Rockefeller-funded. The three Bonesmen leading the way on this subversion—Gilman, Dwight, and White—coordinated their strides as a unit, appointing only those faculty and administrators to their prestigious schools who were either dedicated Bonesmen or educators of Dewey’s ilk. To be kept in mind, Andrew White was the founding president of the American Historical Association, which set the tone for standard text books according totheir account of the 20th century revolutions and world wars. Predictably, neither the Order or any hint of the Order’s guiding hand in these affairs got mentioned therein. But isn’t it interesting that Daniel Gilman, being the forefather of this academic subversion, was also treasurer for Skull and Bones?

This merely foreshadows the relationship between wealth and the increased control over public information that will be built upon by the Rockefeller Reich over the course of the century.

Although the outrageous secrecy around the Federal Reserve’s planning was a well-known scandal in its own day, such works as Edward Griffin’s The Creature from Jekyll Island have since exposed the gravity of its treason to weaken the people’s power by centralizing their banks. “In the United States,” Griffin summarizes elsewhere,” it was inevitable that the international banking interests would attempt to establish this same kind of private monopoly over the money system that they had achieved in England, France, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland. The same formula would be used: Make it look like a government operation, but keep the control in private hands.” 

In 1910, German-born investment banker Paul Warburg—who would be most responsible for financing the Harriman-Bush clan along with John D. Rockefeller—journeyed with Republican Senator Nelson W. Aldrich (grandfather of Nelson Rockefeller) and four other international bankers to the secrecy of Georgia’s Jekyll Island. In planning this trip they codenamed the location “Jamaica” in an effort to prevent word from leaking that some of the world’s most powerful international bankers were about to huddle on a privately own island away from the watchful eye of the press. And for good reason—their purpose was to hash out a way to convince congress of their idea for a Federal Reserve system. This posited a major challenge. For even the GOP’s own hero, Abraham Lincoln, had warned against centralizing U.S. banks into the hands of a few.

But being the forefathers of all secretive acts to follow throughout this chapter, these men came up with just the plan. 

They would first of all introduce the idea for a centralized banking Federal Reserve  system through the Republican Party, naming it the Aldrich Plan, knowing that it would fail to pass because the Republicans were under enough heat at the time for being cozy  with Wall Street’s monopoly bankers. And when the idea did get rejected by congress as anticipated, the banking clique made their next move as planned: Changing the bill’s name to the Federal Reserve Act, they “amended” it with added content only to re-submit it in 1913 through the Democrats in their clique. This created the impression that the bill had undergone a refining bipartisan process for a more balanced approach in the people’s interest. To sell this con job to the voters, in Griffin’s summary, “the monopolists created the propaganda line that the proposed banking law would somehow work against the monopolies. Politicians took up the cry, “Banking reform!” and “Down with Wall Street!” And then, to make it look convincing, the financial tycoons publicly pretended to oppose the measure, all the while financing it behind the scenes.”

As the finishing touch to this scheme, the bill was introduced to congress just before Christmas when most of the senators had already left for the holidays. In a rush to get home, very few of the voters took the time to read its lengthy content to find that nothing in it had fundamentally changed from its original submission as the Aldrich Plan. The exception was Minnesota Representative Charles Lindbergh, who fought the bill’s passage tooth and nail, calling it “the worst legislative crime ever perpetrated in the history of the United States.” 

Even so, The Federal Reserve Act was passed into law On December 22, 1913, surrendering control of U.S. money into a few private hands. 

Now even as this conspiracy for the Federal Reserve Act had been navigated through congress, the Rockefeller-Warburg clique had also been preparing the White House for the president’s needed signature on it. Since J.P Morgan had certain financial control over former president Teddy Roosevelt, Roosevelt was directed to run again for office under the Bull-Moose party, thereby splitting the Republican vote against the incumbent President Taft, enabling the victory of Wall Street’s anointed, Woodrow Wilson. And he did sign the bill only to regret it later. “The growth of our nation and all its activities,” Wilson  lamented in his latter days, “are in the hands of a few men… I have unwittingly ruined my government.”

Let it not escape the reader: This Hegelian maneuver of thesis-antithesis-synthesis by the Rockefeller-Warburg banking cartel would set the tone for the 20th century in providing the foundational power structure for more of this subversive activity. For at the same time that Paul Warburg was the Federal Reserve’s first chairman, his brother Max Warburg was the dominating banker in Europe through Germany’s Reich Bank. Not only would Max become a primary source of funding for the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia (along with Paul and associates), he would become a founder of the Nazified I.G Farben combine, and a board member with Prescott Bush on Harriman’s Hamburg-Amerika Steamship Line. As for President Wilson, he would become one of the few presidents in the last century to repent of enabling this banking cabal, and, in his own timid way, went on historical record in protest against them: 

“Some of the biggest men in the United States in the field of commerce and manufacture are afraid of somebody, are afraid of something. They know that there is a power somewhere so organized, so subtle, so watchful, so interlocked, so complete, so pervasive that they had better not speak above their breath when they speak in condemnation of it.”

If left to itself, the quote relays the idea of a shadow government with the nebulosity that still conceptualizes it the popular mind. Yet it wasn’t as if Wilson lacked the specifics. About a man named Col. Edward Mandell House, Wilson once wrote, “Mr. House is my second personality. He is my independent self. His thoughts and mine are one. If I were in his place, I would do just what he suggested.” 

To be clear, Wilson was not referring to a ghostly alter-ego who solely existed in his brain. Colonel E.M. House was a flesh-and-bone person whose name hardly receives mention in standard history books relative to his impact on the 20th century. It was he who hand-picked Wilson to run for president. Not a decision was made by Wilson during his presidency without House’s guidance. Just who was this forefather of America’s shadow oligarchy that he commanded such power?

The Intimate Papers of  Colonel House edited by Charles Seymour names him the “unseen guardian angel of the Federal Reserve System,” with the added understatement that “the Schiffs, the Warburgs, the Kuhns, the Rockefellers, and the Morgans had faith in House.” House was entrusted to select each of the Federal Reserve’s original seven board members of terms lasting 14 years. Interestingly, it was 1912—just a year before the Federal Reserve’s birth—that House published his novel, Phillip Dru Administrator. In it, a small group of insiders seize control of the opposing political parties and orchestrate a major economic depression. They then use their banking power to get a man named Rockland elected president who would have fire-side chats and begin a “new era” enabling a noble class to materialize their plans for social order. This entails a planned civil war that so weakens the nation a dictatorial order becomes justified under the book’s hero, Philip Dru. 

Rather inconspicuously, the fictional hero resembled House and his background as a banker interlocking British and American interests. Evidently, his novel was to become the elite’s playbook for coming decades, and such, would be in the very capable hands of House’s two young proteges in grooming—John Foster and Allen Dulles. House’s clique was comprised of anglophilic Freemasons with whom he planned the 1921 creation of the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR). A key figure in House’s clique was Wilson’s Secretary of State, Robert Lansing, the Dulles brothers’ beloved uncle. In fact, so obsessed was Uncle Robert with their British ancestry he hired an elocutionist to help “recover” his British accent.

House, in any event, tasked his proteges to help plan the creation of the CFR. 

A preliminary event was the June 1917 Paris Peace negotiations led by House in which backroom meetings reportedly occurred separately with a group of Freemasons, and not just any, but those associated with France’s Grand Orient Lodge. This marked one of the troubling occasions for President Wilson in which he took offense at being excluded from these secret negotiations conducted by House. And it is now known that the CFR’s original best kept secret was the inner circle at its core, the Rhodes Round Table, a super secret freemasons order which at the death of Cecil Rhodes got passed into the hands of Lord Alfred Milner, the Governor General and High Commissioner of South Africa. As a German-born devotee of this order Milner once boasted, “My patriotism knows no geographical but only racial limits. I am a British race patriot.” 

Additionally, E.M. House also created the Royal Institute of Foreign Affairs, the British equivalent of the CFR also built to shell case the Rhodes Round Table. Under the care of the Dulles brothers and Rockellefers, the CFR’s ability to maintain its secret inner layers would be well stewarded for the span of the 20th century. The War and Peace Studies group—another Rockefeller-Funded CFR inner circle led by Allen Dulles during U.S. involvement in World War II (1939-1945)—was so secretive the vast majority of CFR members were unaware of its existence at the time. With our ample knowledge of the persons and Hegelian methods involved in orchestrating the Federal Reserve and the second world war, the significance of these inner circle CFR groups must be absorbed.

A) Such inner circles represent a concentrated point of secrecy converging two racist Masonic streams from England and Germany—both of which have ancestral ties to the esoteric Grant Orient Lodge associated with the Bavarian Illuminists, and which, although taking pride in their German and British roots, show no ultimate geopolitical loyalties. They are an emerging borderless racist “nation” unto themselves with apparent concern for maintaining bloodline(s) and inter-marriage amongst Eastern establishment families.

B) The merger of these two streams will reveal its dominance in the CFR as a whole through the clique of Rockefeller-Harriman-Bush loyalists being repeatedly appointed to its leadership positions throughout the 20th century.

C) The existence to such inner circles seems only appropriate to Weishaupt’s blueprint for “speaking sometimes one way, sometimes in another, so that one’s real purpose should remain impenetrable to one’s inferiors.”

And just what is the CFR’s real purpose?

In fact, the answer has been hiding in plain sight for some time behind the translucent-but-distorting veil of ridicule that surrounds this subject by design. As the philosopher Marshall McCluhan quipped, “Only the small secrets need to be protected. The big ones are kept secret by public incredulity.”  Yet it was the Georgetown Professor Caroll Quigley, the officially hired CFR historian to gain access to their private records, who inserted sufficiently revealing statements about their long term agenda in Tragedy and Hope, a dry historical 1966 book that was not published with intent for a wide reaching audience. In it, Quigley acknowledges that the Cecil Rhodes Round Table concealed within had dominated British and U.S. policy during the first century. He sympathizes with their long term agenda to create a centralized, global structure through which the control would be theirs over every nation’s economic system, strongly suggesting the eventuality of one-world governance. Quigly stated that his only point of contention was the fact of their secrecy toward this end, but perhaps the professor, limited by available insight at the time, had not devoted much thought to the disturbing question of “who” would be at top of this globalized structure which would be totalitarian by necessity.

In 1940, a public name for this globalist concept gained increased circulation in The New World Order by H.G Wells, said to be a founding member of the Rhodes Round Table. Although he conceptualized much of it in the safety of science fiction, his works included several books that overtly propagandized the need to swap out nation states with a one-world governance, and that this idea needed to be advocated as a sort of open secret. In keeping with the slogan of his socialist Fabian Society to “proceed slowly,” Wells recognized the need for this process to take root in the collective mind gradually, allowing for the world’s masses to arrive at their own desperation for a one-world system through the thesis-antithesis-synthesis of “illuminating” hardships—an adjective he uses often. For it is only by managing conflict, in “scattered flashes of understanding,” Wells proposed, that the way for “a steadier illumination” is realized.

In 1938, an excerpt from Wells’s novel War of the Worlds was broadcast on national radio having interrupted the scheduled programs without notice of its content being fictional. Its “breaking news” of an interplanetary alien invasion, by the day’s end, would account for several deaths from a panicked stampede that resulted. The purpose of this costly hoax, it turned out, was an experiment conducted by C.D. Jackson, a psychological warfare expert who purchased the airtime with funds from the Rockefeller Foundation. 

But Wells’s close association with the Warburg-Rockefeller clique, coupled with his literary usefulness in herding people like sheep to their death, is hardly the sole basis for validating the New World Order agenda as real. Neither should too much weight be given to Professor Quigley’s words on behalf of any group that intentionally speaks “sometimes one way” and then another. It is, on the other hand, by objective analysis of the Rockefeller Reich’s long-term actions—as uniquely seen from our 2020 Overview—that this NWO agenda becomes incontrovertibly real.